Everton Blair Jr.
Public domain — work of the U.S. government
Biographical Directory of the United States Congress · source

Everton Blair Jr.

U.S. Representative (GA-13)
Next election November 2026
Contact · 202-225-2939 · 468 Cannon House Office Building · official siteOfficial office only. Congress publishes no member email addresses; use the contact form. Download all as CSV

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Campaign totals, 2026 cycle

No candidate summary this cycle — they are not running a federal campaign in it.

Personal financial disclosure — the private side

FiledTypeFiled asDistrictDocument
8/13/2026Candidate reportEverton BlairGA13filing PDF →
4/28/2026Filing extensionEverton BlairGA13filing PDF →
8/30/2025Candidate reportEverton BlairGA13filing PDF →
6/4/2025Filing extensionEverton BlairGA13filing PDF →
2/27/2024Filing extensionRaymond J. BlairGA03filing PDF →

Filed by the member themselves under the Ethics in Government Act. These cover personal assets, outside income, liabilities and stock transactions — the private side that campaign filings never show. Source: House Clerk.

Lobbying disclosures — what registrants reported (LD-203), 2024–2026

DateFiled byTypePayeeAmountSource
2026-02-13CAREER EDUCATION COLLEGES & UNIVERSITIES (FKA ASS'N OF PRIVATE SECTOR COLLEGES AFECAEVERTON BLAIR FOR CONGRESS
honoring Everton Blair
$100filing →
2026-02-12S-3 GROUPFECACANDIDATE EVERTON BLAIR
honoring Everton Blair
$1,750filing →
2026-01-22COMMON CAUSEFECAEVERTON BLAIR FOR CONGRESS
honoring Everton Blair
$1,000filing →
2026-01-16RICH FEUER ANDERSONFECAEVERTON BLAIR FOR CONGRESS
honoring Everton Blair
$1,000filing →
2025-11-06MOODY'S CORPORATIONFECAEVERTON BLAIR
honoring Everton Blair for Congress
$250filing →
2025-09-22NVG, LLCFECAEVERTON BLAIR FOR CONGRESS
honoring Everton Blair
$100filing →

6 item(s) totalling $4,200 across 2024–2026 filings, reported by lobbying registrants and lobbyists on form LD-203. By category: FECA $4,200 (6). These are their disclosures, not this person's: twice a year, registrants must report political contributions and certain honorary payments. An entry here means a lobbying organisation reported money to a committee of theirs or to an event honouring them — it is not a payment to them personally, and it is not evidence of any arrangement. The categories are not equivalent: FECA items are ordinary campaign contributions, while inaugural, library and honorary entries are payments to separate funds that carry no contribution limits. Source: Senate Office of Public Records.

What "money in" and "money out" mean here — and what they are not

Everything in the money tables on this page is campaign money, not personal money. It belongs to a political committee, not to the person. The two are separate by law, and this page never mixes them.

TermWhat it isWhose pocket
Money in Contributions a committee received — from individuals, from other political committees (PACs), from party committees. Capped per donor per election and itemised above $200. The committee's account. Not personal income, and not taxable to the candidate.
Money out What the committee spent: staff, consultants, advertising, travel, rent, card processing, taxes, and contributions to other candidates. Mostly vendors, not politics. Paid to outside businesses and people. A payee is a supplier, not a beneficiary of a gift.
Outside spending Money spent for or against someone by groups acting independently, who may not coordinate with the campaign. Never touches the candidate's committee. They cannot direct it or refuse it.
Personal finances Salary, assets, debts, stock trades, outside income, a spouse's employment. The person's own accounts — not shown in any FEC table. It appears only in the financial-disclosure filings linked in their own section.

Can campaign money become private money? Not lawfully. Converting campaign funds to personal use is prohibited by 52 U.S.C. § 30114, and the FEC applies an "irrespective test": if the expense would exist even without the campaign — a mortgage, a country-club membership, household groceries — campaign funds cannot pay for it. Salaries to the candidate are allowed only within narrow limits, and payments to a candidate's own business must be at fair market value.

So where would private enrichment show up? Not in the tables above. It would show in the financial-disclosure filings — assets, outside income, stock transactions — or in payments from a committee to a business the person owns, which appear as ordinary payees in "money out". This page gives you both sets of records and leaves the reading to you.

Not shown, and why

How to read this page. Every number comes from a public filing and links to its source, so any row can be checked in one click. Figures are what filers reported; amendments change them, and a net figure can even read as negative when corrections outweigh new spending in a cycle.

A contribution is not evidence of wrongdoing. Giving to a campaign is legal and ordinary, and so is paying a vendor. This page records who gave, who was paid, and what the filings say. It draws no conclusion about influence and alleges no quid pro quo.

Same template for everyone. Every profile is generated by one script from the same sources for the same cycle, whatever the person's party. Where a record does not exist, the page says so rather than leaving a blank that reads as innocence.

Corrections. Every figure links to its record. If one is wrong, tell us — it gets fixed and noted.