James C. Moylan
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Biographical Directory of the United States Congress · source

James C. Moylan

Delegate (GU at-large)
Next election November 2026
Contact · 202-225-1188 · 228 Cannon House Office Building · official siteOfficial office only. Congress publishes no member email addresses; use the contact form. Download all as CSV

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Committees registered to them

FEC IDCommitteeConnected organisation
C00809343JAMES MOYLAN FOR CONGRESSMOYLAN

"Connected organisation" is the sponsoring body named in the committee's own registration — the only corporate tie the filing states outright.

Campaign totals, 2026 cycle

Candidate IDReceiptsFrom individualsFrom committees DisbursementsCash on handThrough
H2GU01031$151,158$102,227$47,931$128,911$26,27107/12/2026

Source: FEC bulk file weball26.

Money in — from other political committees, 2026 cycle

Contributing committeeTotalContributionsRecord
ELECTING MAJORITY MAKING EFFECTIVE REPUBLICANS PAC$10,0002C00592089 →
HOUSE CONSERVATIVES FUND$6,0005C00326439 →
RAPTOR PAC$5,0002C00749481 →
CONSERVATIVE OPPORTUNITY LEADERSHIP AND ENTERPRISE PAC$5,0001C00404392 →
AMERICAN REVIVAL PAC$5,0001C00639229 →
LOCKHEED MARTIN CORPORATION EMPLOYEES' POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$5,0001C00303024 →
JIM JORDAN FOR CONGRESS$4,0002C00416594 →
RVFPAC$2,0001C00689208 →
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$1,0001C00030718 →
NATIONAL RURAL LETTER CARRIERS' ASSOCIATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$1,0001C00072025 →
DR. BRIAN BABIN FOR CONGRESS$1,0001C00553859 →
BUILDING BRIDGES PAC$05C00693127 →
MR. SOUTHERN MISSOURIAN IN THE HOUSE PAC$-5,0001C00563726 →

Top 13 of 13 committees, $40,000 total. Each links to that committee's own FEC page, where its donors are listed in turn. This counts contributions the committee actually received. Independent expenditures — money spent for or against them by groups they do not control — are a separate thing and appear below, not here.

Money out — largest payees, 2026 cycle

PayeeTotalPaymentsCommittee
JODI CHRISTINE TOPACIO$19,5788C00809343 →
GLIMPSES MEDIA$9,1801C00809343 →
THE HOME DEPOT$8,8177C00809343 →
PATRIOT CAR RENTAL$8,47517C00809343 →
B&G PACIFIC LLC$8,0812C00809343 →
MARY Q'S CATERING SERVICES$8,0002C00809343 →
ALTERXEGO ENTERTAINMENT LLC$6,4141C00809343 →
FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION (FEC)$4,8121C00809343 →

Vendors and operating costs, not political giving. See the explainer below for what this money can and cannot be used for.

Personal financial disclosure — the private side

FiledTypeFiled asDistrictDocument
5/14/2026Annual report (original)James C. MoylanGU00filing PDF →
5/15/2025Annual report (original)James C. MoylanGU00filing PDF →

Filed by the member themselves under the Ethics in Government Act. These cover personal assets, outside income, liabilities and stock transactions — the private side that campaign filings never show. Source: House Clerk.

Lobbying disclosures — what registrants reported (LD-203), 2024–2026

DateFiled byTypePayeeAmountSource
2025-12-10NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORSFECAJAMES MOYLAN FOR CONGRESS
honoring James Moylan
$1,000filing →
2024-01-24WSP USA (FKA AS PARSONS BRINCKERHOFF, INC.)FECAJAMES MOYLAN FOR CONGRESS
honoring Rep. James Moylan
$500filing →

2 item(s) totalling $1,500 across 2024–2026 filings, reported by lobbying registrants and lobbyists on form LD-203. By category: FECA $1,500 (2). These are their disclosures, not this person's: twice a year, registrants must report political contributions and certain honorary payments. An entry here means a lobbying organisation reported money to a committee of theirs or to an event honouring them — it is not a payment to them personally, and it is not evidence of any arrangement. The categories are not equivalent: FECA items are ordinary campaign contributions, while inaugural, library and honorary entries are payments to separate funds that carry no contribution limits. Source: Senate Office of Public Records.

Where their PAC money came from, 2026 cycle

SectorAmountShare
Party & leadership$15,00037.5%
Ideological / single-issue$11,00027.5%
Unclassified$7,00017.5%
Defense & aerospace$5,00012.5%
Finance & insurance$1,0002.5%
Labor union$1,0002.5%

$40,000 in contributions from other political committees, classified by the donor committee's own registered name. Independent spending for or against them is not included here.

Committees they sit on

House Committee on Armed Services, House Committee on Foreign Affairs, House Committee on Education and Workforce

Their PAC total is too small for a meaningful comparison against the chamber average, so none is drawn.

Their ten largest PAC donors supplied 110% of all PAC money they received.

What "money in" and "money out" mean here — and what they are not

Everything in the money tables on this page is campaign money, not personal money. It belongs to a political committee, not to the person. The two are separate by law, and this page never mixes them.

TermWhat it isWhose pocket
Money in Contributions a committee received — from individuals, from other political committees (PACs), from party committees. Capped per donor per election and itemised above $200. The committee's account. Not personal income, and not taxable to the candidate.
Money out What the committee spent: staff, consultants, advertising, travel, rent, card processing, taxes, and contributions to other candidates. Mostly vendors, not politics. Paid to outside businesses and people. A payee is a supplier, not a beneficiary of a gift.
Outside spending Money spent for or against someone by groups acting independently, who may not coordinate with the campaign. Never touches the candidate's committee. They cannot direct it or refuse it.
Personal finances Salary, assets, debts, stock trades, outside income, a spouse's employment. The person's own accounts — not shown in any FEC table. It appears only in the financial-disclosure filings linked in their own section.

Can campaign money become private money? Not lawfully. Converting campaign funds to personal use is prohibited by 52 U.S.C. § 30114, and the FEC applies an "irrespective test": if the expense would exist even without the campaign — a mortgage, a country-club membership, household groceries — campaign funds cannot pay for it. Salaries to the candidate are allowed only within narrow limits, and payments to a candidate's own business must be at fair market value.

So where would private enrichment show up? Not in the tables above. It would show in the financial-disclosure filings — assets, outside income, stock transactions — or in payments from a committee to a business the person owns, which appear as ordinary payees in "money out". This page gives you both sets of records and leaves the reading to you.

Not shown, and why

How to read this page. Every number comes from a public filing and links to its source, so any row can be checked in one click. Figures are what filers reported; amendments change them, and a net figure can even read as negative when corrections outweigh new spending in a cycle.

A contribution is not evidence of wrongdoing. Giving to a campaign is legal and ordinary, and so is paying a vendor. This page records who gave, who was paid, and what the filings say. It draws no conclusion about influence and alleges no quid pro quo.

Same template for everyone. Every profile is generated by one script from the same sources for the same cycle, whatever the person's party. Where a record does not exist, the page says so rather than leaving a blank that reads as innocence.

Corrections. Every figure links to its record. If one is wrong, tell us — it gets fixed and noted.