Mike Johnson
Public domain — work of the U.S. government
Biographical Directory of the United States Congress · source

Mike Johnson

U.S. Representative (LA) [Republican]

Mentioned in 4 posts on this site

Snowflake Bowl: Billionaires Cancel “Free Palestine,” Congress Cancels Itself · They Designed It to Fail · The retreat is already staffed · The pause button has a donor

Committees registered to them

FEC IDCommitteeConnected organisation
C00608695MIKE JOHNSON FOR LOUISIANAJOHNSON LEADERSHIP FUND

"Connected organisation" is the sponsoring body named in the committee's own registration — the only corporate tie the filing states outright.

Campaign totals, 2026 cycle

Candidate IDReceiptsFrom individualsFrom committees DisbursementsCash on handThrough
H6LA04138$20,976,864$12,263,645$1,813,700$12,616,083$9,613,15707/18/2026

Source: FEC bulk file weball26.

Money in — from other political committees, 2026 cycle

Contributing committeeTotalContributionsRecord
JOHNSON LEADERSHIP FUND$1,000,0006C00771246 →
AMERICAN COUNCIL OF ENGINEERING COMPANIES (ACEC/PAC)$42,95015C00010868 →
CENCORA, INC. PAC$10,0003C00400929 →
LOWE'S COMPANIES, INC. POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10,0002C00251751 →
GENERAL DYNAMICS CORPORATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (GENERAL DYNAMICS EMPLOYEE PAC)$10,0002C00078451 →
ALTRIA GROUP, INC. POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (ALTRIAPAC)$10,0002C00089136 →
UNION PACIFIC CORP. FUND FOR EFFECTIVE GOVERNMENT$10,0002C00010470 →
ASSOCIATED GENERAL CONTRACTORS OF AMERICA POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10,0002C00082917 →
LOCKHEED MARTIN CORPORATION EMPLOYEES' POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10,0002C00303024 →
PHILLIPS 66 PAC$10,0002C00513549 →
CVS HEALTH PAC$10,0002C00384818 →
THE GOLDMAN SACHS GROUP, INC. POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10,0004C00350744 →
EMPLOYEES OF RTX CORPORATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10,0002C00097568 →
AMERICAN SUGAR CANE LEAGUE OF USA, INC PAC$10,0002C00081414 →
TEXAS FARM BUREAU AGFUND$10,0002C00214981 →

Top 15 of 333 committees, $3,127,496 total. Each links to that committee's own FEC page, where its donors are listed in turn.

Money out — largest payees, 2026 cycle

PayeeTotalPaymentsCommittee
CONVERGENCE MEDIA LLC$5,789,07518C00608695 →
STRATEGIC ADVANCE SERVICES LLC$1,509,23717C00608695 →
NRCC$1,404,0005C00608695 →
THE POLITICAL FIRM LLC$1,085,08813C00608695 →
WINRED$603,3728C00608695 →
CMDI$458,68338C00608695 →
LEX POLITICA PLLC$272,56612C00608695 →
GIDLEY, JOHN HOGAN$206,43919C00608695 →

Vendors and operating costs, not political giving. See the explainer below for what this money can and cannot be used for.

Outside spending, 2026 cycle

DirectionAmount (net)
Independent expenditures supporting them$2
Independent expenditures opposing them$0

Spent by groups acting independently of the campaign. Net of amendments, so a total can read negative when corrections outweigh new spending. Source: FEC independent expenditures.

Personal financial disclosure — the private side

FiledTypeFiled asDistrictDocument
8/12/2026Annual report (original)James Michael JohnsonLA04filing PDF →
4/15/2026Filing extensionJames Michael JohnsonLA04filing PDF →
8/13/2025Annual report (original)James Michael JohnsonLA04filing PDF →
5/14/2025Candidate reportChristian Rashad JohnsonLA06filing PDF →
5/9/2025Filing extensionJames Michael JohnsonLA04filing PDF →

Filed by the member themselves under the Ethics in Government Act. These cover personal assets, outside income, liabilities and stock transactions — the private side that campaign filings never show. Source: House Clerk.

What "money in" and "money out" mean here — and what they are not

Everything in the money tables on this page is campaign money, not personal money. It belongs to a political committee, not to the person. The two are separate by law, and this page never mixes them.

TermWhat it isWhose pocket
Money in Contributions a committee received — from individuals, from other political committees (PACs), from party committees. Capped per donor per election and itemised above $200. The committee's account. Not personal income, and not taxable to the candidate.
Money out What the committee spent: staff, consultants, advertising, travel, rent, card processing, taxes, and contributions to other candidates. Mostly vendors, not politics. Paid to outside businesses and people. A payee is a supplier, not a beneficiary of a gift.
Outside spending Money spent for or against someone by groups acting independently, who may not coordinate with the campaign. Never touches the candidate's committee. They cannot direct it or refuse it.
Personal finances Salary, assets, debts, stock trades, outside income, a spouse's employment. The person's own accounts — not shown in any FEC table. It appears only in the financial-disclosure filings linked in their own section.

Can campaign money become private money? Not lawfully. Converting campaign funds to personal use is prohibited by 52 U.S.C. § 30114, and the FEC applies an "irrespective test": if the expense would exist even without the campaign — a mortgage, a country-club membership, household groceries — campaign funds cannot pay for it. Salaries to the candidate are allowed only within narrow limits, and payments to a candidate's own business must be at fair market value.

So where would private enrichment show up? Not in the tables above. It would show in the financial-disclosure filings — assets, outside income, stock transactions — or in payments from a committee to a business the person owns, which appear as ordinary payees in "money out". This page gives you both sets of records and leaves the reading to you.

Not shown, and why

How to read this page. Every number comes from a public filing and links to its source, so any row can be checked in one click. Figures are what filers reported; amendments change them, and a net figure can even read as negative when corrections outweigh new spending in a cycle.

A contribution is not evidence of wrongdoing. Giving to a campaign is legal and ordinary, and so is paying a vendor. This page records who gave, who was paid, and what the filings say. It draws no conclusion about influence and alleges no quid pro quo.

Same template for everyone. Every profile is generated by one script from the same sources for the same cycle, whatever the person's party. Where a record does not exist, the page says so rather than leaving a blank that reads as innocence.

Corrections. Every figure links to its record. If one is wrong, tell us — it gets fixed and noted.